Tashi Wangchuk, a young Tibetan, was sitting in the train from his hometown to Beijing. His mind was still bogged down by the image of the children in his hometown, prevented from the right to learn to read and write in his own Tibetan language by the Communist regime. His journey started as a peaceful act of advocacy in favor of Tibetan language education, but ended in arrest, torture, charged with inciting separatism, and facing up to 15 years in prison. The evidence used against Tashi in court was an interview with the New York Times, a 9-minute video.
In his early 30s, Tashi lived with his elderly parents in Yushu, a remote town 12,000 feet above sea level, on the Tibetan highlands of western China. For decades, many schools had taught mainly in the Tibetan language in Tashi’s hometown and neighboring areas, where nearly 60 percent of China’s Tibetan population reside. Mandarin Chinese was also taught in school, but it was taught as a subject like a second language. But in 2012, after President Xi took office, the government introduced a new teaching system that eliminated Tibetan as a language of instruction in primary and secondary schools. Schools were ordered to use Chinese as the main language of instruction; Tibetan teachers who could not speak Chinese well were laid off; new official textbooks were adopted. Critics said that the new curriculum tried to diminish teaching the Tibetan young generations their history and culture.
Tashi also worried about the government control of the Tibetan monasteries, which support Tibetan’s life spiritually and culturally. In the Tibetan tradition, parents often send their children to monasteries for education, learning how to read and write in their language, as well as their religion. Monks and nuns from Tibetan temples often tutor children and adults who want to develop Tibetan literacy; in return, parents often donate food, milk, yogurt, or cattle to the temple. However, in recent years, officials in many parts of the Tibet plateau have ordered monasteries to stop this practice, which resulted in no resources for Tibetan families that seek to provide for their children’s Tibetan education.
Many Tibetans felt oppressed, and rejected such policies from the central government. Tibetans devoutly believe in the Dalai Lama, just like Catholics look up to the Pope; in China, both the Dalai Lama and the Pope are banned. The spring of 2008 saw the most significant unrest in Tibet for decades. Peaceful protests turned into serious riots in many cities and towns as security forces moved to disperse demonstrators. Following the 2008 unrest, there is now an unprecedented level of political consciousness and Tibetan nationalism. Thanks to the Internet and mobile phones, Tibetan people, especially the younger generations, now can hear about what the Dalai Lama is doing, the protests, and every case of self-immolation. In March 2012, a Tibetan student, a 20-year old girl, set herself on fire and committed suicide after her high school changed its main language to Chinese.
Tashi visited two key places in Beijing – the central government media (Chinese Central TV or CCTV) and the Chinese Supreme Court. He wanted to have an interview with CCTV and let the public hear the voice of the Tibetan people who call for bilingual education and the protection of their ethnic heritage. He wanted to sue the local officials who arbitrarily deprived the people from their rights to use their mother tongue in the school system, which, according to the Constitutions of the People’s Republic of China, should be protected. What he received from the CCTV was a response that basically meant the government-run TV station would have to seek permission from the Communist Party before to report on his claims. He was blocked at the heavily guarded gate to the Supreme Court.
Like millions of Chinese, Tashi felt people had no voice under the Communist Party rule. And like thousands of human rights activists, Tashi sought the last resort – foreign media. He made a nine-minute video for the New York Times. Although the staff of The New York Times warned him of the risks in speaking with U.S. reporters and appearing on video, Tashi insisted. Tashi said that people wouldn’t believe his story if they couldn’t see him. Tashi also believed he was acting within the guidelines of the law. Tashi was ‘naïve,’ to put it mildly.
Tashi believed his voice must be heard at all costs, but speaking out has come at a price.
Note:
Dear readers, I encourage you to watch the 9-minute video (https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/10/insider/tashi-wangchuk-documentary-china.html).
Tashi did not say anything against the Chinese government or the so-called Chinese law. He is simply an advocate for the rights of his people. Yet, the video became the “evidence” against him in the Chinese courts.
I encourage you to join me in prayers and actions for Tashi’s freedom.